Let's Get Honest! Absolutely Uncommon Analysis of Family & Conciliation Courts' Operations, Practices, & History

Identify the Entities, Find the Funding, Talk Sense!

‘Table Talk’ Helps You Quickly Analyze Any Task Force*, Council, Commission, etc. (*Here, New York’s Task Force for a COVID-19 DV Response): Add Columns for Entity/Non-Entity, Website, Legal Domicile, and (For Size/Operations), Even For Some EIN#s, to Find AND read Any Tax Returns [Publ. Apr. 26, 2022].

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Note to Readers:

I’ve published without having fully filled out a table at the bottom identifying the categories of every member of this task force’s listed affiliation. Several not filled out are entities or individuals on whom I’ve already researched and/or posted.

On the blog’s right sidebar, I just added a long explanation under a DONATE button near the top, that I cannot be publishing or so active on (Twitter) for the next days or possibly weeks because I must move within the next three weeks and do not even have a new place secured yet. I’m not really even sure of which city (or state) I’ll move to — only of a gut sense that staying local/urban won’t work. Failure to move out on time is not an option; not having a new lease signed before then would complicate the move and increase expenses, so I have to shut down my urge to keep writing and reporting.

But, as that explanation on the sidebar says, I’m still vitally alarmed about current developments in the family court reform field.  Based on the backgrounds of the movement and the wording of the recent legislation in that context, I see and say that the recent alleged progress/triumphs (VAWA-based, or about endowments to push this through, state by state) are real triumphs for those talking it up — not for the victims or the public.  I don’t see others on-line developing and posting any coherent reasons why, but the leaps in logic and requirement to engage in quasi-fantasy are obvious.  Yet who will listen to survivors who don’t play their assigned roles?

I have the background (from writing this blog and continuing to follow so many elements), and ability to make a forceful statement (formally), but not while “on the move” and not yet.

Housing/Location: Towards the end of my years in California I’d been forced onto long-term hotel living (fiduciary abuse: main reason I left California). The last week, I had to move to three different hotels in four days; negotiating room rates constantly, while others pulled various strings such that I couldn’t even fulfil the rates I’d bargained for, and prepping for an out-of-state trek based on ONE connection in a state I’d never been to before.

Systematic production of fugitives: As we speak, I’ve known and now have some phone contact with women whose fugitive situation is far worse than mine ever was.  What we are being put through has been (all along) outrageous: so is the hypocrisy of those taking HIGH salaries (see some below) for private-agenda advocacy, USA. I sometimes wish the field of “domestic violence” had never been professionalized, and I assert it never should have been privatized either.

RE: my last major move: I still remember how great it felt to have signed a 12-month lease again, in a new place far from the individuals who’d been behind over a decade of aggression in the family court system yet who were still not satisfied it’d been destructive enough. With a sense of privacy came a huge relief and sense of safety too.  As a decision, I rank it high — alongside a much earlier one to file for legal intervention and protection from abuse with kick-out order, with young children.  I had never before made a major move telling so few people (less than four and not my own children, because of the potential leak to their elders) where I was going. It was costly in the short run, but staying would’ve been even more costly. I’m so glad I made it out!

I’m thinking this next move might be the same.  I do not know what’s up next, but it will be a change, not a perpetuation of the same dynamics. I’m seeking to again halve monthly living expenses and  avoid both slumlords and mega-developer landlords who perceive and treat residents as their personal, perpetual ATMs, not human beings with real rights. I’ve experienced both (FYI, at least two of the slumlords were also lawyers., whereas high-rise developments outsource so many services, when billing fraud happens, you’re often faced with 1. another research project and 2. denial, no matter the facts.  The alternative is litigation both sides know you can’t afford.  There has to be another way to live! I’m looking for a place closer to ground level, with an enclosed garage (not just parking spot) where I can work on some projects, and enough land (need not be a lot) on which to grow a few vegetables, i.e., counteract some of this food inflation. It’s many variables at once, and of course, logistics.

(In case you’re wondering, physically the current place is fully functional in a way I can’t remember in many years — all appliances work, no vermin, generally speaking warm enough, and no one so far has messed with a parked car underground. The place is full of key-fobs to go in and out. Even the mailroom is secure (that’s a big plus).  …But, the over-billing/double-billing — large and small amounts/relentless attempts to add on fees (then subtract only some of them after complaint) is never corrected, it’s adding up, and I do think it’s RICO.  FYI, for this size operations, the issue of database integrity (billing and payment platforms) is a major issue, as well as transitions between one platform (or site-manager) and another: frequent turnover, and data (such as, my payments!) often lost in transition.

Speaking of that DONATE button, by the way, to at least encourage or show appreciation, feel free to contribute any amount ($10 or over); just realize it’s not tax-deductible (yet).  I’m not trying to live off the blog, but beginning to need better justification (to my self) for taking time from planning for personal (longer term) survival.  I will remove these opening comments after a few days; they are (after all) really NOYB.  I may also remove the top section (in this background color, which was a spontaneous, last-minute effort, if I feel it doesn’t communicate well.

I enjoyed learning and writing this post so far, and hope you enjoy reading  (all of) it. Another one (already complete) will be posted tomorrow.  ..Thanks in advance for your time/LGH.


“Table Talk” in quotes is a pun here. It has another more common meaning, but here, I’m referring to that I literally think in terms of Tables with Labels when faced with such lists, or even an unknown (website or reference by some quoted expert). One of those key fields, which I so often talk about is defining the presence or absence, in the given name or affiliation, of an “Entity.”

My “drill-down” and full list (with plenty of links) is at the bottom; this part is just a sample showing how (based in prior knowledge, or recent look-ups for what I didn’t already know) I would think about such a list.  In between is an even more interesting history on it, relating to its Chair…

This section is long enough it may LOOK like a partial drill-down, but I’m just showing a few (three) major categories to consider: entity, non-entity, college/universities, and (entity or not, unknown at first glance) what looks like members or parts of USA’s Domestic Violence/Sexual Assault Infrastructure — as driven by federal grants under VAWA (mostly ℅ the U.S. DOJ) or FVPSA (mostly ℅ the US HHS).

The Task force is listed alpha by last name.  In that sort order, the first affiliation in this Task Force list IS an identifiable entity, a tax-exempt corporation.  Scott is the person, but his significance on the task force is listed as RAINN.

  • Scott Berkowitz – Founder and President, Rape, Abuse and Incest National Network (RAINN)

Here’s one close to the end of the list (alpha by last name). which I believe is not, and I’ve looked diligently on this one because it was (and still is) listed as part of the Domestic Violence Resource Network (“DVRN”) as funded (along with others in the network) by the United States Department of Health and Human Services.  The DVRN legal authority comes under not “V.A.W.A.” passed in 1994, but under “F.V.P.S.A.” passed in 1984:

  • Carole Warshaw, M.D. – Director, National Center on Domestic Violence, Trauma & Mental Health

A few others are listed not as associated with specific organizations (often named after some aspect of this field, preventing and responding to domestic violence), but as within or even (one example) running a college within well-known universities, all but one of them private.  Here are all in that category from this list.  However some nonprofits are also based at universities, so without knowing if some of these are, we cannot know that a university (public or private) might be supporting it.

  • Leslye Orloff – Director, National Immigrant Women’s Advocacy Project at American University Washington College of Law
  • Cindi Leive – Senior Fellow, USC-Annenberg School of Journalism and Communications
  • Karol V. Mason – President, John Jay College of Criminal Justice
  • Joan S. Meier – Professor of Law, George Washington University Law School and Director, National Family Violence Law Center at GW

Now you’ve read that list, or my recent (first quarter 2022) posts, it’s probably clear why I picked this task force for an example…

Notice the different (i.e., not symmetrical) ways colleges or schools within universities are labeled: University/College; University (acronym only)-School; College (not at which university; this one is), and  University-School (+ a named center within).

While most people may know that “USC” stands for “University of Southern California”, writing it out would highlight that this task force member isn’t exactly featuring New York State connections. This is the only one labeled “Fellow.”  Cindi Leive (Wiki)’s background, after Swarthmore, is media, journalism (Glamour, Self) and she is married to a film producer.  She’s a powerhouse; was not just “at” Glamour but its editor-in-chief, during which time it won many awards.  (Swarthmore College bulletin, July, 2011).

The others, referencing universities, so far as I know, are employees of their law schools or universities.  John Jay College of Criminal Justice is part of CUNY (City University of New York), it’s a public college.  New Yorkers and many others would know, but why not, for this list, say “at CUNY”?  CUNY also has a law school.  Last paragraph here (about the law school’s dean Sudha Setty, not a task force member, though with an outstanding background) summarizes CUNY:

The City University of New York is the nation’s largest urban public university, a transformative engine of social mobility that is a critical component of the lifeblood of New York City. Founded in 1847 as the nation’s first free public institution of higher education, CUNY today has seven community colleges, 11 senior colleges and seven graduate or professional institutions spread across New York City’s five boroughs, serving over 260,000 undergraduate and graduate students and awarding 55,000 degrees each year. CUNY’s mix of quality and affordability propels almost six times as many low-income students into the middle class and beyond as all the Ivy League colleges combined. More than 80 percent of the University’s graduates stay in New York, contributing to all aspects of the city’s economic, civic and cultural life and diversifying the city’s workforce in every sector. CUNY’s graduates and faculty have received many prestigious honors, including 13 Nobel Prizes and 26 MacArthur “Genius” Grants. The University’s historic mission continues to this day: provide a first-rate public education to all students, regardless of means or background.

That’s something I think, as worth mentioning in a task force list as any of the other universities which were mentioned.

American University (like, George Washington University) is in D.C. and it’s private, but was federally chartered in 1892 and affiliated with the United Methodist Church  (Wikipedia), with the intent to train future public servants… It merged with Washington School of Law (first co-educational/to admit women in D.C.), founded 1896, only in 1949.

Task force member Karol V. Mason, now President of John Jay College of Criminal Justice, before this was federal civil servant, and Assistant U.S. Attorney General  and

as head of the Department of Justice’s Office of Justice Programs, Mason oversaw an annual budget of $4 billion to support an array of state and local criminal justice agencies, juvenile justice programs, and services for crime victims, and oversaw the National Institute of Justice and the Bureau of Justice Statistics, among a wide range of other efforts.

Other affiliations within this list (full list below, nearer bottom of this post) are easily recognizable as entities involved on grants-funded nonprofits part of the domestic violence infrastructure I keep talking about.  So are others not so easily recognizable, but with entity names like Coalition against Domestic Violence, or to Against Sexual Assault, or both, plus either state names, or the word “national,” we have the general idea.  (**See my recent-ish post on over-use of the word “national” by non-government entities that, if USA-based, aren’t.)

  • Ruth M. Glenn [see note] – President and CEO, National Coalition Against Domestic Violence (NCADV)
  • Farzana Safiullah – CEO, National Resource Center on Domestic Violence (NRCDV)
  • Deborah D. Tucker, MPA – President, National Center on Domestic & Sexual Violence (NCDSV)
  • Deborah J. Vagins – President and CEO, National Network to End Domestic Violence (NNEDV)
  • Joanne Zannoni – Executive Director, New York State Coalition Against Sexual Assault (NYSCASA)

That’s two coalitions, two centers (one, a “resource center”) and one “network. These are probably all entities (versus projects or programs of some other entity), but I’d have to recheck the middle one to know for sure, and I’d be shocked if any of them volunteered their own financials (BOTH Forms 990  and Audited financial statements –not a piechart or two inclosed inside an annual report), and those financials were current, or close to it.  Here’s what NRCDV says — if you hunt for it, under “DONATE”

The National Resource on Domestic Violence is a 501(c)3 organization. Your donation is tax deductible to the full extent of governing law.

You cannot tell from the list alone (as shown) from the affiliation names which are incorporated (entities) or not, or whether they were once projects which eventually spun off into their own entities.

There is no attempt at consistency or showing, up front, enough information to show ALL entities involved, and from there, which ones might already be taking government grants and have potential conflicts of interest.  This problem is common to many such lists.

My “Table Talk” mentality helps compensate.  When reading, I remember certain basic categories to better define the people within a list, and the overall character of that list related to who’s on it. I believe it’s better understand from the start and retain (ideally) who and what are the affiliations or associations mentioned. I also apply this to reading mainstream media articles in the field, which typically are going to cite to someone’s credentials in terms of what they founded, what they served on/ were appointed to, and so forth.  This makes few friends, except with understanding. It reduces ignorance (your own)… 

It’s also remarkable how withholding or submerging the most basic information (data, labels, or even links to where this may be seen promptly) is common practice. How does this type of withholding  help anyone comprehend the differences between “a person and a project” (an entity or not an entity), or what other networks and inter-relationships a mixed list of projects/entities and their representatives signifies?

Instead, it positions people to do little but be impressed (or, daunted) by the panorama of people and what follows after their names, and retreat into passivity, or passive acceptance of a status quo:  The table of experts  (“and look what experts”) are on task, not to worry… while helping others build their credibility (if such be needed) by citing to having been on a task force, commission, council, etc.

I don’t expect to change the practices across the entire internet and all these institutions.  What I do expect, and intend, is to alert and educate people to be aware of the practice and (in reading, or as concerned about cause a, b, or c, which I hope many are) compensate in part by thinking — then talking with others — in terms of these categories AND continuing to learn even more while supplying what those in charge couldn’t be bothered to do…

I wrote My Basic Summary, Impromptu, By Recall (from the years of looking this up…), context of DV Task Forces, Advocacy Groups and the usual responses to DV, called (and now published)  How USA Has Standardized, Professionalized and Privatized the Basic Response to Domestic Violence, with Built-in Biases and Strategically Chosen Blind Spots (Quick by-Recall Summary, Apr. 17, 2022). )(short-link ends “-ei7”)

When faced with each new task force, list, board of directors, etc., depending on how curious I am or how important the topic, I’ll then go look for those tax returns (where it’s an entity required to file, and not just a website with a fancy name).  Thinking in terms of a spreadsheet or the field headings (columns) in any table is a tool for thinking more precisely about who and what a list of influencer names (in any context) represents — not just who or what organized, convened, or appointed them.

Maintain that habit for long in certain fields (domestic violence, protective parents, family courts, family court reform, child welfare, child abuse prevention, etc.) and you’ll quickly acquiring and maintaining  at least some awareness of how organizations network with each other around the primary sources of revenue or political power.

This particular task force in New York State came up in the context of another circumstance I’m watching (and, this season so far, reporting on) relating to the re-authorization of the Violence Against Women Act as though its “Kayden’s Law” tag-on will compensate for the historic nature and chronic character of the family courts as run by — and running programs by and for — members of private behavioral health specialists in office or close to those who are —  And lawyers and judges…

Someone I knew of was named to this task force, so I looked it up, and having taken a quick first look, decided to make an example of it.


‘Table Talk’ Helps You Quickly Analyze Any Task Force*, Council, Commission, etc. (*Here, New York’s Task Force for a COVID-19 DV Response): Add Columns for Entity/Non-Entity, Website, Legal Domicile, and (For Size/Operations), Even For Some EIN#s, to Find AND read Any Tax Returns [Begun Apr. 15, 2022].. (short-link ends “-egn”)

Table talk in the normal sense (informal chatter, across a dinner, or a card, table, revealing things one shouldn’t to throw the game) is only effective if those talking know what they’re looking at.  I’m referencing “tables” as an outline function to organize and compare information, with horizontal rows and vertical columns.  They talk much longer to construct on a post than to mentally become aware of, and make at least mental (or better, written) notes.

This post goes with another I began April 5, on the New York State COVID-19 Response to DV Task force appointed May 20, 2020 under then-Governor Andrew Cuomo and then-Secretary to the Governor (his top non-elected aide, in other words), Melissa DeRosa. [“Noticing GWUToday (5/29/2020)…” (short-link ends “-eaA”)].  The original plan was when I finish this post, I can publish that one and link the two, either on the same day or one right after the other… but I posted that one April 18, with a “to be announced”  “coming soon” comment at its bottom, regarding this one..

Within just over one year from the appointment of this COVID-19 DV Response Task Force both New York’s Governor and his top aide (“Secretary to the Governor”) resigned amid scandals (plural),!

The task force lists and possibly functions remain, at least as shown at the state’s Office for Prevention of Domestic Violence OPDV.NY.Gov.  In the Task Force context, the “New York Council on Women & Girls” which the Secretary to the Governor chaired was also mentioned. I’ve looked up and looked at some of each on the top half of this post, because both were still something of a mystery** to me.  With another Council, there’s going to be another members’ list.  The one I saw was longer but had some overlap with the COVID-19 DV Response Task Force of May 20, 2020.

However, when it finally dawned on me that the OPDV.NY.Gov is under the OFCS (Office of Family and Children’s Services) which, with OTDA, also runs fatherhood funding through “social service districts” by way of their TANF-based “Flexible Funds for Family Services (“FFFS”), what the OPDV did NOT do started to make more sense…  A section within this post summarizes (reviews) that process…I’d posted on it in 2012 (the NFRC) and in 2014; this section quotes more recent documents, but the process doesn’t seem to have changed much. Look for this background-color with some internal quotes..

**I may not figure out certain organizational/Executive Office of the Governor of New York State mysteries before finishing this post…. but here are some clues: what others had to say about it.

Melissa DeRosa in 2017 on Why New York needed its Council on Women & Girls (Published in Refinery29, whose leadership is acknowledged as part of the council):

Why States Need To Step Up Now To Protect Women & Girls,

by Melissa DeRosa, August 2, 2017 at Refinery29), Search results/Google, “New York State Council on Women & Girls Launch Essay”)

In 2009, President Obama created the White House Council on Women and Girls, whose member s— the heads of each federal agency— were charged with taking the needs of women and girls into account in the policies they drafted, the programs they created, and the legislation they supported.

This year, the Trump White House has effectively disbanded this important Council, calling it “redundant.” Despite campaign promises to the contrary, the Trump administration has again and again sent a strong message of disdain toward policies that are of matter to women and girls—wide-ranging issues like health care, child care, education, and workforce equity, to name a few. The members of President’s family who were vocal on those issues last year have been notably silent to the point of irrelevance. As any woman who has ever been shouted down by a man in a meeting knows, talk is cheap.

Here’s an August 2017 Announcement of the same council (but by OCFS.NY.Gov), referencing the Refinery29 article, and listing its purpose, reason for existence, and its steering committee members. https://ocfs.ny.gov/main/news/article.php?idx=1538, with probably (I see at least one) some overlap with those on the COVID-19 DV Response task force. Interesting this is found at the OCFS and not under the OPDV…

First-Ever New York State Council on Women and Girls Launched

As White House Disbands Council on Women and Girls, New York Creates Own Council Focusing on Women’s Rights || Council Steering Committee Composed of Leaders in Academia, Advocacy, Business, and Media

Read More About Council in the Refinery 29 Op-Ed from Melissa DeRosa

The Governor announced the Council as the White House has effectively disbanded its own Council on Women and Girls. The Council will be chaired by Melissa DeRosa, the first female Secretary to the Governor, and also includes Lieutenant Governor Kathy Hochul, who chairs the New York State Women’s Suffrage Commission and co-chairs the statewide Pay Equity Study. State Senator Catharine Young and Assemblywoman Crystal Peoples-Stokes will serve as Legislative Ambassadors to the Council.

The Council, which will hold quarterly meetings, is charged with focusing on nine areas of impact: education, economic opportunity, workforce equity, leadership, health care, child care, safety, STEM, and intersectionality. …  [Now-Governor, then Lt. Governor of the State of New York Hochul speaks of her involvement, para. omitted..

Hmm. domestic violence and violence against women as women didn’t even make the list, unless it’s assumed to come under “safety.”

“I am honored to serve as Chair of the New York State Council on Women and Girls,” said Melissa DeRosa, Secretary to the Governor. “The Governor has long prioritized the rights of women, from passing the most comprehensive Paid Family Leave plan in the country to staunchly defending women’s reproductive rights. So why now and why New York? Because New York is the perfect place – where women are CEO’s, playwrights, actresses, advocates. We run banks and fortune 500 companies. We decide what news is published and which topics are topical… and when we feel we are being told to sit down and shut up we stand taller and speak louder. As we celebrate the 100th anniversary of women’s suffrage in New York, which passed in 1917, three years before women gained the right to vote across the country, we again recognize the leadership role New York must play, and we encourage other States to recognize the responsibility they now have to protect the rights of all American women and girls. I look forward to continuing the Governor’s work with this Council, and I thank the women on our Steering Committee for joining us in our efforts.”

The Council was launched with an event at the New York Historical Society, featuring a panel of female leaders including Cindi Leive, Editor-in-Chief, Glamour; Robin Chappelle Golston, CEO, Planned Parenthood New York; Kimberlé Crenshaw- Professor of Law, Columbia Law School; Rebecca Minkoff- Creative Director and Co-Founder, Rebecca Minkoff; Christine Sadowski- YWCAs of New York State; and Ruchi Shah- Founder, Mosquitoes Be Gone.

Photos from the event are available on Flickr. Read more on today’s announcement in DeRosa’s op-ed in Refinery 29.

Four years later, the same council, per New York Post:

Cuomo’s ‘ruthless’ enforcer Melissa DeRosa heads panel to help women and girls, by , and August 7, 2021

[2nd photo image:  “The council, headed by DeRosa, hasn’t issued a press release in more than a year…”]

Andrew Cuomo’s righthand woman, an allegedly “ruthless, heartless” enforcer for the governor amidst his sexual harassment scandal, heads a state panel that is supposed to focus on workforce equity and preventing violence against women.

Melissa DeRosa, who is secretary to the governor, is also the chair of the state Council on Women and Girls.  [para. break omitted] Cuomo formed the group in 2017, but its work in the past year is unclear. It last issued a press release in June 2020, with an announcement that the state would allow midwife-led birthing centers for the first time.

The council, which is made up of the heads of all state agencies, has a steering committee of powerful women from across New York, but the group has not met in 18 months, one committee member said.  Fashion designer Rebecca Minkoff is listed as a steering committee member but hasn’t been involved since 2018,

Minkoff included DeRosa in a 2018 billboard campaign of “superwomen,” but her spokeswoman would not comment on her now.

Looking for news of this council, one finds instead news of its and the governor’s failures and (his August 10, 2021) resignation.

NOW NYC (New York City, not “State” branch of the National Organization for Women) NYC (images, and announcement that New York for the first time will have a woman governor in the wake of Cuomo’s resignation), see this tag: https://nownyc.org/tag/nys-council-on-women-and-girls/ (See two large, borderless images, one above the other, next):

Briefly (an aside, but I want to point out: I’ve known this also for years), allocated to its own post (except for a short footprint left here indicating, about what…):

Revisiting and Remembering National N.O.W.’s “Six Core Issues” incl. #2, ‘Ending Violence Against Women,’ vis-a-vis How Far Down: A. Domestic Violence and B. ‘The Family Court Crisis’ Are Buried.. with Several NOW IRS Forms 990 [April 25, 2022]. (short-link ends “-eot” and middle character is a lower-case “o” as in “oh, my!”)

Revisiting the national NOW website, and its “Six Core Issues” | where dealing with Domestic Violence (and the family courts) falls within them:

This section was added after several days’ break from working on this post.  I’ll mark its end clearly, so you know that the following material proceeded from the comments just above…//LGH 4/25/2022.

Revisiting the National NOW website, and its’ Six Core Issues,” I see that Ending Violence Against Women does make the list, but domestic violence is mixed in with many other kinds: your basic progressive approach and menu of items (along with the others).  Specific focus on domestic violence as it happens and is facilitated by family courts, isn’t really on the radar, and hasn’t been for years.  Look at the description, from those “Six Core Issues” (dated Feb. 2014, per the url), and from it:

Ending Violence Against Women: NOW is unique in its approach to the issue of violence against women, emphasizing that there are many interrelated aspects to the issuedomestic violence; sexual assault; sexual harassment; violence at abortion clinics; hate crimes across lines of gender, sexuality and race; the gender bias in our judicial system that further victimizes survivors of violence; and the violence of poverty emphasized by the radical right’s attacks on poor women and childrenall of which result from society’s attitudes toward women and efforts to “keep women in their place.”

As you can see by the issues named (and by mentioning “the radical right,” this is a politically-charged approach, where “domestic violence, …” while first, is only one of a major list, including “violence at abortion clinics” and references to “our judicial system” but not one reference to the family law system, although by now, with the level of “roadkill” and national headlines, you’d think it might rate a passing mention.

The “Ending Violence Against Women” paragraph (under Six Core Issues) also has a link which reflects how NOW (the “national” entity) (“sic”) frames this purpose and what it considers resources:

(For more information, go to the related post, after I publish it!//LGH).

(End, My Brief Aside on NOW:

Entities, Purposes, Practices (National, NYS, NYC and California):


I kept trying to find SOME New York State official website naming this Council on Women and Girls.   It isn’t part of government but something the governor did, so I expect would not show up on a Comprehensive Annual Financial Report (for FYE2021 if that’s out yet, or 2020); I see no Executive Order of the Governor appointing it (one may not have been necessary), under Cuomo.

The closest I came, January 13, 2022, (with photo of Governor Kathy Hochul being sworn in) reports that this council is being “transformed” into the Council on Gender Equity” with a (typically progressive) list of purposes.  Found at Ms. Magazine under [ Global / National / Politics] “Weekend Reading..”

Weekend Reading on Women’s Representation; Rest in Power, Lani Guinier; NY Gov Kathy Hochul Is Shaking Things Up for Women; Black Women Are Just 6% of U.S. House

…This week Governor Hochul also announced that she is launching an Equity Agenda. (<~~broken link as of Apr. 2022) Here are some of the components:

Create a Council on Gender Equity: In 2017, New York launched the Council on Women and Girls to help state policies advance women’s rights and equality. Governor Hochul will propose to transform that group into the Council on Gender Equity, expanding its scope and impact. Composed of Cabinet members and community leaders from across the state, the new Council will serve as an advisory body to the Governor, working to meet a vision of true gender equity in New York. The Council will take an intersectional approach to elevate the needs of women, girls, and transgender and gender nonconforming individuals, focusing on underserved populations and communities of color.

Protect Reproductive Access for All: Building on her ongoing commitment to protect reproductive health and rights for all New Yorkers, Governor Hochul will take additional action to ensure anyone seeking reproductive care in New York has the access they need by expanding the family planning grant program, supporting safety-net providers, and codifying insurance coverage for abortion.

Pass an Equal Rights Amendment This Session: Given the enduring inequalities that women, people of color, and other marginalized communities continue to face in employment, political representation, and economic opportunity, among other areas, New York must demonstrate its commitment to equality for all New Yorkers. Governor Hochul will work with the Legislature to pass an Equal Rights Amendment this session.

For now, I can find no evidence of either a current website for Council on Women & Girls, or for the future version of it promised above, “Council on Gender Equity.”  As of a January, 2022, announcement at the Governor’s website and from or by its press office, this Council on Gender Equity, while a top priority, seems to be a thing of the future.  I also looked under Executive Office Budget, and (in order to get back to the other tasks at hand, which relates to the COVID-19 DV Response Task Force, not the Council) for now will quit looking for any indications at a government website that the Council on Women & Girls (despite its disgraced chair) still exists.

[[This section, written before the quotes above…//LGH]]

I also pointed out (en route) that New York also has been running fatherhood funds (as diversions from existing TANF assistance) under “Flexible Funding for Family Services” (FFFS), and through a specially legislated “social services district” system that, except for New York City (which is one such district) exactly matches, county-for-county– the other counties in the state.  I first wrote that up in (it seems) 2012, and will do an update, as $964,000,000 is still authorized last year (2021-2022) for the same purposes of TANF, (Temporary Assistance to Needy Families) BUT, diverting from them as to how the aid is coded.

Those purposes, naturally, involve promotion of marriage and fatherhood as a social values, and legitimate activities (under FFFS), NOT being “direct aid” (like for food, transportation ongoing, housing, child care, etc.), could include (says an Administrative Directive explaining this,  for the year 2021) (Next short section in this background-color):

How NY’s OTDA [social services agency] runs even more fatherhood (and DV) funding through FFFS alternate circuitry (Post short-link ends “-23A” total wordcount about 6,500, published Jan. 15. 2014.)

See also my prior post WHAT is a “Resource,” Corporately Speaking? National Responsible Fatherhood Clearinghouse (“NRFC”) // Fatherhood.gov [Publ. Oct. 30, 2012]. (short-link ends “-1cH”), which  shows others who were reporting this funding [I believe it means the “HMRF” funding] many years ago and that the domestic violence prevention groups & fatherhood  promotion groups were collaborating (see PEERTA networks, an initiative of HHS.ACF.OFA sharing practices and information about how to administer TANF.  Its description (checked just today, 4/16/2022) includes reference to the Healthy Marriage Responsible Fatherhood initiatives.  As the page says:

Our Mission

Peer TA facilitates the sharing of information across state and local agencies implementing the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program. The goal of Peer TA is to establish linkages among TANF agencies and their partners serving TANF and low-income families at the state, county, local, and tribal level. The Peer TA website acts as a dissemination and communications vehicle, supporting the Peer TA Network in the provision of technical assistance, facilitating a dialogue among organizations serving TANF and low-income families, and helping organizations learn about innovative programs and the latest research around effective strategies to successfully support TANF and low-income families on a path to self-sufficiency.

Our Sponsors (it only lists one — HHS, a.k.a., the public):

… (under “OFA”): TANF programs help families foster economically secure households and communities for the well-being and long-term success of children and families. TANF grants are issued to states, territories, and tribes to implement programs that best serve their distinct communities. States, territories and tribes may use TANF funds to provide cash assistance to families with children. …

States, territories and tribes MAY use TANF funds to provide cash assistance (i.e. more direct help), but apparently don’t have to use ALL of it for direct assistance.  See the bulleted purposes.  The first two aren’t even, necessarily, restricted to “low-income” families…

The central purposes of OFA are to:

  • Ensure that parents have the resources they need to care for their children at home
  • Promote responsible fatherhood, engaged parenting, marriage, and healthy relationships
  • Foster the long-term self-sufficiency, empowerment, and success of all low-income families with employment opportunities, job training and educational support

Beyond direct aid, there are DISCRETIONARY grants under some of these (and other) purposes, including “HMRF”…

OFA also administers the Native Employment Works (NEW) program, the Healthy Marriage and Responsible Fatherhood discretionary grant program, the Tribal TANF- Child Welfare Coordination discretionary grant program and the Health Profession Opportunities discretionary grant program.

From the OTDA (Office of Temporary and Disability Assistance — which would be handling welfare funding, obviously) — simply searched the word “fatherhood,” and quickly saw the same programs continue, in about the same amount I documented in 2010.  This information is (as far as the public is concerned, buried under Administrative Directive Memo (ADMs) to the Social Services District leadership (Commissioners?) that, I wonder, how many New Yorkers are even conscious exist…)

The search results I’m quoting near the top are from Administrative Directive Memorandum, (21-ADM-03) i.e., talking to the heads of those “Social Services Districts,” i.e., Social Services District Commissioners — in New York State — on how to report and submit budget plans for the use of $964 million allocated “to each district” (more likely, across all districts, but it says “to each district”

Fatherhood and Two-Parent Family Formation Programs – These projects aim to promote responsible fatherhood and/or encourage the formation and maintenance of two-parent families. For example, activities in these programs may include marriage education, marriage and relationship skills, fatherhood skills, parenting skills workshops, advertising campaigns on the value of marriage and responsible fatherhood, education regarding how to control aggressive behavior, financial planning seminars, and divorce education and reduction programs.

Why is the federal government still funding (through the states, here, New York) advertising campaigns on the value of marriage and fatherhood?

If all this (the Social Services Districts, via “Flexible Funding for Family Services” this is new ground, I’ll remind you where I covered it before, and review it (when published) at this OFF-RAMPED POST:

NYS under Gov. Cuomo (and now under Gov. Kate Hochul) Is STILL running #TANF diversions ℅ FFFS ($964M for 2021-2022, as for 2020-2021), incl. to Fatherhood/Marriage Promo. [Post begun Apr. 14, 2022] (short-link ends “-eeX”).

This co-exists, it seems, peaceably, with an Office to Prevent Domestic Violence, and (established 2017, I heard, to counter then-President Trump’s dismantling of a federal one) Council on Women and Girls. It took me this long to realize that the 1992-OPDV is still under the OCFS — meaning, the same entity which handles the marriage/fatherhood funding and value system…  It’s not immediately apparent from OPDV.NY.Gov….

New York State Office for the Prevention of Domestic Violence

The Office for the Prevention of Domestic Violence (OPDV), created in 1992, is the country’s only executive level state agency dedicated to the issue of gender-based violence. It replaced the former Governor’s Commission on Domestic Violence established in 1983.

The NYS Office for the Prevention of Domestic Violence’s work is completed under four main bureaus: Sexual Assault Prevention, Policy, and Programming; Domestic Violence Prevention, Policy, and Programming; External Affairs, and; Law and Public Safety.  [emphases added]

(The next image shows my open tabs; the second one (Kelli Owens) is for linked in to the Current OPDV’s director.  Top row and left tab show the url to this image:

OPDV.NY.Gov statemt of mission and tri-fold self-description (I highlit middle column).

OPDV top banner has several links, including one labeled “Transforming Systems.”  Two images from it: “Survivor-Centered / Trauma-Informed / Culturally Responsive” and link (on that page, not this image) to the report from COVID-19 DV Task force…

Not the main point of this post, however any such office, commission, task force or councils appointed to handle some type of social problem is likely to have posted its membership list. If you get much more than that, and a few uploaded reports, from any such website, consider yourself lucky.  Meanwhile, go get the background information yourself, should it be a topic of concern.  In the process, understand more (much! more) about the culture behind throwing some people on a task force at a problem, and telling the public “we’re on it.”….. either to change a system, or get some more laws written to change a system, etc.

My Experience:  Powerful & Politically Connected Task Forces, Commissions, or Nonprofits, including those with “women” or “Stop (or “Prevent”) Violence” in their names didn’t make the difference, and it’s questionable whether what difference they made was or was not, in the long run (other than I’m still alive and my offspring are), positive.  For the public?  No: because it removed a functional working parent from the workforce to handle what family courts were designed to NOT handle. In the next inset, this background color.  Just an observation (generic summary) I’d like to make in the context of reading so much about New York’s OPDV.

I am a domestic violence (and family court gauntlet, my term) survivor, literally just barely, from California (which I fled in 2018, having NEVER regained full workforce status after years in that system), and am well aware of how things named after Women and Domestic VIolence Prevention (and/or services) in that large state, did nothing to stop my children from being, literally, kidnapped on a FAMILY-court-ordered overnight visitation with their father, and in this advocacy/services context, with some major forces in the domestic violence field (both as nonprofits : two are featured on my home page:  what’s now “Futures without Violence” (a special resource center) and what’s now “California Alliance Against Domestic Violence” (the statewide coalition) and among specific professionals in the field, including a law professor who helped “write the law” and was among the earlier people running battered women’s shelters in the San Francisco Bay Area (referencing Nancy K.D. Lemon, and as to the VAWA legislation, Esta Soler of “Futures”).  At the end of the day, no help real help was coming from these “technical assistance and providers”; the presence of a family court system into which law enforcement could dump (drive/divert, off-load) cases involving criminal behavior exonerated them from having to stop it at the source or, as it happened in our case, right AS the event was happening — in their presence, on their premises, where we were (for lack of any other safe place to do so) exchanging children (where I retrieved them, in that county; the father picked them up at another police station in the neighboring county) as part of joint legal custody.

This content was the original core concept of my April 5, post, however the related stories, and the lead-in context that led to it, developed a life of their own.  Having given each part its own new post, and trimmed the original one down to size, I realize this core concept should still be near the top –and plant to write it here, and link to it there.

When I say “Table Talk,” I really mean, think and research in terms of tables which show what most straight lists of task forces, councils, commissions, boards of directors (for individual organizations), etc., don’t really show — unless they, too, include links, suffixes to any entity names, distinguish between an entity and a non-entity, and the related websites happen to also post current (for USA, both categories matter, where tax-exempt and required to file with the IRS): (1) most current tax returns filed with the IRS, AND (2) audited financial statements, both of them current.

“Annual Reports” advertising the entity’s activities for the year, donors, and with a few Pie charts expressing (UNaudited, and not as full statements) that year’s Revenues vs. Expenses, without also Assets & Liabilities and the accompanying notes to the same — do not in any way count.

I copied this list, which is alpha by last name (not by organization) from the New York State website.  I’m going to turn it into a table with a few more columns to illustrate how I think about and view such lists, and believe more of us also should.  Keep the “analytical” mind set on, and distinguish between a Person (Business entity) and a Project (non-entity), and other basic details like size, age, place, and sources of support.  Websites, where available, and more.  ALL these comprise an overview of WHO is being included on such task forces recommending something be run, re-routed, or in this case, overhauled…

Some of the organizations are known in other major contexts and because the focus IS “domestic violence” (prevention), I”m already familiar with several of them, and the apparent agenda.  For example, as I recall, for a long time “UJIMA had a name, but not an EIN#.  For example (much older), the API on GPV in San Francisco was a spin-off from a much larger health-focused entity, and run originally by existing DV org leadership. I know that RAINN is very much globalist, etc.

There are always “relationships within relationships” and sub-texts, but for basic categories, a spread-sheet style with a few more columns would be helpful.  Too many columns won’t work, so for some of these (depending on how much time I’m willing to put into it), I may footnote instead.

FYI, I’ve been promoting this basic approach and practice for identifying organization (or seeming organization) names on-line, for many years now.  You can see it in some of the post titles over time.

This is a more recent task force, New York is an influential state, so I decided to take on this one, this time.

  • Scott Berkowitz – Founder and President, Rape, Abuse and Incest National Network (RAINN)
  • Alejandra Y. Castillo, Esq. – CEO, YWCA USA
  • Karma Cottman – Executive Director, Ujima, Inc: The National Center on Violence Against Women in the Black Community
  • Nathaniel M. Fields – President and CEO, Urban Resource Institute (URI)
  • Ruth M. Glenn [see note] – President and CEO, National Coalition Against Domestic Violence (NCADV)
  • Peg Hacskaylo – Founder and CEO, National Alliance for Safe Housing (NASH)
  • Jim Henderson – Probation and Domestic Violence Expert, Battered Women’s Justice Project
  • Grace Huang, JD – Policy Director, Asian Pacific Institute on Gender-Based Violence
  • Tandra R. LaGrone – Executive Director, In Our Own Voices
  • Cindi Leive – Senior Fellow, USC-Annenberg School of Journalism and Communications
  • Tonya Lovelace, MA – CEO, Women of Color Network Inc (WOCN)
  • David Mandel – Executive Director, Safe & Together Institute
  • Karol V. Mason – President, John Jay College of Criminal Justice
  • Joan S. Meier – Professor of Law, George Washington University Law School and Director, National Family Violence Law Center at GW
  • Connie Neal – Executive Director, New York State Coalition Against Domestic Violence (NYSCADV)
  • Ana L. Oliveira – President and CEO, The New York Women’s Foundation
  • Leslye Orloff – Director, National Immigrant Women’s Advocacy Project at American University Washington College of Law
  • Farzana Safiullah – CEO, National Resource Center on Domestic Violence (NRCDV)
  • Lynn Hecht Schafran, JD – Legal Director and Director, National Judicial Education Program at Legal Momentum, The Women’s Legal Defense and Education Fund
  • Lucy Rain Simpson – Executive Director, National Indigenous Women’s Resource Network (NIWRN)
  • Joe Torre – Co-Founder and Chairman, The Safe at Home Foundation and Special Advisor to Major League Baseball (MLB)
  • Patricia Tototzintle – CEO, Casa de Esperanza/National Latin@ Network for Healthy Families and Community
  • Deborah D. Tucker, MPA – President, National Center on Domestic & Sexual Violence (NCDSV)
  • Deborah J. Vagins – President and CEO, National Network to End Domestic Violence (NNEDV)
  • Troy Vincent – Executive Vice President of Football Operations, NFL and National Advocate to End Domestic Violence
  • Carole Warshaw, M.D. – Director, National Center on Domestic Violence, Trauma & Mental Health
  • Joanne Zannoni – Executive Director, New York State Coalition Against Sexual Assault (NYSCASA)
[Note Re: NCADV (Ruth Glenn search at this website comes up with nothing past FY2018.  She’s not showing under leadership Board or Advisory Council currently — but NCADV’s IRS filings are nothing if “not current” and (historically), not provided on its website, either, along with no audited financial statements, and that’s as long as I’ve been aware of the website (= for MANY years).  It also routinely and to this date continues to lie on the Forms 990 (for those lucky or diligent enough to go find some) on its own legal domicile –which is (I DRN which:  Oregon or Washington) in the USA Northwest, not in Colorado, still a Western state, but … no where near New York State…)]

The list, like many lists, is alpha by last name, with three different basic data elements (or “Fields”):

  1. INDIVIDUAL’S NAME FirstName+LastName+(Any advanced degrees).
  3. INDIVIDUAL’s ORGANIZATION, if it is one (if it’s an entity).

I need to add a few, starting with:  4. Entity or Not, 5. Legal Domicile if an entity; 6. EIN# if a nonprofit and if it’ll fit: Year Incorporated (if entity).

I’m omitting title. I don’t care so much about titles….

I think I’ll do one table using just the data provided, and another one with more filled in, for contrast.



Acronym AFFILIAT’N Entity? If N, Whose? Legal Dom Year EIN#
Scott Berkowitz RAINN Rape, Abuse and Incest National Network 123456789

[not its #]

Alejandra Y. Castillo Esq. YWCA USA Young Women’s Christian Ass’n- USA
Karma Cottman Ujima, Inc.: The Nat’l Center on VAW in the Black Community
Nathaniel M. Fields Urban Resource Institute
Ruth M. Glenn NCADV National Coalition Against Domestic Violence
Peg Hacskaylo NASH National Alliance for Safe Housing
Jim Henderson BWJP Battered Women’s Justice Project Y MN 2013?
Grace Huang JD API-GBV Asian Pacific Institute on Gender-Based Violence
Tandra R. LaGrone In Our Own Voices
Cindi Leive USC-Annenberg School of Journalism and Communications
Tanya Lovelace MA WOCN Women of Color Network Inc Y
David Mandel Safe & Together Institute Y (LLC)
Karl V. Mason (Prez) John Jay College of Criminal Justice
Joan S. Meier GWU.edu/


George Washington University Law School AND Nat’l Family Violence Law Center at GWU N
Connie Neal NYSCADV NY State Coalition Against Domestic Violence
Ana L. Oliveira The New York Women’s Foundation
Leslye Orloff National Immigrant Women’s Advocacy Project at Amer. Univ. School of Law N
Farzana Safiullah NRCDV National Resource Center on Domestic Violence Y (now, but wasn’t not always)
Lynn Hecht Schafran National Judicial Education Program at Legal Momentum: The Women’s Legal Defense and Education Fund N
Lucy Rain Simpson NIWRN National Indigenous Women’s Resource Network
Joe Torre The Safe at Home Foundation and Special Advisor to Major League Baseball (MLB)
Patricia Totozintle Casa de Esperanza/National Latin@ Network for Healthy Families and Community
Debra D. Tucker MPA NCDSV National Center on Domestic & Sexual Violence
Debra J. Vagins NNEDV National Network to End Domestic Violence
Troy Vincent NFL ‘EVP, Football Operations, NFL and National Advocate to End Domestic Violence
Carole Warshaw MD National Center on Domestic Violence, Trauma & Mental Health N
Joanne Zanonni NYSCASA New York State Coalition Against Sexual Assault

~ | ~ | ~ | (End of First Table):

Other considerations (but I don’t want too many columns): Listed DVRN member (some are)? Statewide Coalition, or member of one? (Obviously NYSADV is).

At Law School or other College?

If title reads Exec Director or ‘CEO,’ that means Executor, not necessarily owner.

Now let’s look at it from the Entity (or program) level, forgetting the individuals involved.  For example, which of these (on any website) volunteers its financial info (if a tax-exempt entity) or legal domicile, etc.

Right now, I’ll say, most won’t or don’t…

EIN# Posted? Audited FS? Acronym /url AFFILIAT’N Latest Form990/


Govt- Private


Legal Dom Year Inc. Form 990 Latest Gross Rcpts
52-1886511 N N RAINN Rape, Abuse and Incest National Network 2020/May $1.9M/


Fees: $6.3M

DC 1994 $15.8M




Young Women’s Christian Ass’n- USA 2019/June
85-3490414 N N UjimaCommunity.org Ujima, Inc.: The Nat’l Center on VAW in the Black Community [[See Note & Next Row: It’s DCCADV, and takes HHS grants $775K/year]] None Yet! Apr. 2021
52-1515600 Y DCCADV.org (Ujima, Inc.: The Nat’l Center on VAW in the Black Community a project of DCCADV so far..) 2018/Sep. $2M (mainly govt grants) 1986


11-2910081 etc.

URINYC.org Urban Resource Institute

(seeAlso Urban Resource Housing Devpt. Fund and 2 other related tax-exempts (to hold Real Estate), entities it controls…

2019/Dec (latest℅ Candid or IRS, says change in Fiscal Year for 2020).

$64M (Grants, mostly govt, $24M/Fees for Services $39M) 1981
91-1081344 NCADV

(its Board List dn match latest Form990 because that’s only FY2019).

National Coalition Against Domestic Violence 2019/Dec Form 990 says CO (& has for years), but it’s not… 1978 (per 990) FY2019, About $1M Revs.
83-3903834 fka NASH, now (as of 3/22)


(history page says 2015 start)


fka (change only last month, 3/2022), National Alliance for Safe Housing, formerly a project of DASH)(District Alliance for Safe Housing). None yet: only tax-exempt Aug. 2019 (IRS letter)



District Alliance for Safe Housing

(Peg Hacskaylo listed here, as of FY2018 filing)


(℅ IRS)

DC 2006
BWJP Battered Women’s Justice Project MN 2013?
API-GBV Asian Pacific Institute on Gender-Based Violence
14-1804364 N IIOV.org In Our Own Voices NY 1998
USC-Annenberg School of Journalism and Communications
WOCN Women of Color Network Inc
Safe & Together Institute (LLC)
John Jay College of Criminal Justice


George Washington University Law School AND Nat’l Family Violence Law Center at GWU N
NYSCADV NY State Coalition Against Domestic Violence
NYWF (<~Projects, Collaboratives) The New York Women’s Foundation

[No financials or Tax Returns past 2017 shown. Funding more than tripled in FY2017…]

public: 2017; IRS: (?)
National Immigrant Women’s Advocacy Project at Amer. Univ. School of Law N
NRCDV National Resource Center on Domestic Violence Y (but not always)
National Judicial Education Program at Legal Momentum: The Women’s Legal Defense and Education Fund N
NIWRN National Indigenous Women’s Resource Network
The Safe at Home Foundation and Special Advisor to Major League Baseball (MLB)
Casa de Esperanza/National Latin@ Network for Healthy Families and Community
NCDSV National Center on Domestic & Sexual Violence
NNEDV National Network to End Domestic Violence
NFL ‘EVP, Football Operations, NFL and National Advocate to End Domestic Violence
National Center on Domestic Violence, Trauma & Mental Health N
NYSCASA New York State Coalition Against Sexual Assault

~ | ~ | ~ | ~ For now, the notes below are “miscellaneous” as I was looking at organization or (more likely) it’s financials — Form 990 or audited financial statements.  It’d be an interesting mini-project to compile the salaries of all the founders, or CEOs, or Chairs (some chairs are volunteer, but the top paid officers) of each one of the entities above.  I think viewers might be surprised at some of the large amounts — not for all, but for some of these…

RAINN Scott Berkowitz Salary (n/incl benefits) FY2020: $481K.

UJIMA Somehow UJIMA, Inc. (claims founded in 2005 and part of DCCADV) has some technical Assistance sheet saying it was founded in 2005, but the IRS doesn’t recognize it until last April, 2021.  As a result, not one financial statement or tax return has showed up yet — however, a Specific Grant# is cited as helping create some of the “resources.”  (90EV0432 from HHS).  Also, apparently “Ujima” is an aka or dba (?) and the entity name is The National Center on Violence Against Women in the Black Community. I provided link to the IRS letter under “Year” founded column, above.

Ujima seeks to equip service providers, family and friends, and other stakeholders with the tools necessary to respond to and prevent domestic, sexual, and community violence in the Black community. Ujima’s approach to Technical Assistance (TA) is holistic, culturally competent, and trauma informed. Technical Assistance serves the interests of all members of the African Diaspora, including, African Americans, Africans and African Immigrants, Afro-Caribbeans, and Afro-Latinos/as.

I went looking for that grant#.  First Google Results (only a few) that named the grant, avoided naming the grantee (recipient).  I wondered how Ujima’s work could be supported by a grant issued before they (it) incorporated with the IRS.  Turns out that grant was issued in 2016 to the DCCADV, starting at $775,000/year (and I’m thinking, not the only funding to the DCCADV), with the grant name reading like the website title — i.e., it was a project of another (standard-protocol) state (D.C. or) territorial CADV entity, i.e., nonprofit.  To re-run the same report with the same grant #, use a short-link (generated by TAGGS.HHS.gov): https://tinyurl.com/y6xrnf34 **Total grants so far, $3.925 million.  It was awarded once as “NEW” and subsequent years, “non-competing continuing” where not (several “0” entries) “Administrative Supplement).

**If you repeat the search and filter isn’t saved, remember to un-click the year (top left) to leave ALL years open, enter the grant number (only) as a filter and at the bottom of the page select enough fields to make sense of the results.  NB:  I usually leave off state, city, etc. and just enough to get an overview of the categories under which grant was issued. (Two images, one above the other as an image gallery, for viewing size large enough).


IIOV.org.  At first look, no EIN# or existence as a nonprofit is shown.  Donate Button leads to PayPal. which labeled “In Our Own Voices, Inc.” The website links to an Albany, New York address.  Description:  “Proudly strengthening the voices of the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, & Transgender POC community.”  Link “Who We Are” begins (over photos):

Our vision is to set the standard
for National People of Color
LGBT organizations.

After this (on the same page), it’s “Our Mission / We Seek To / Core Values (link to “Staff & Board), then below it “Join the Cause” (Mailing List, and footer info.).  Saying “Board” Board presumes a nonprofit may exist somewhere, but no evidence of it at first glance on this website. I looked this one up because its name was new to me, unlike many of the others in the Table above.

With a New York address, I went to CharitiesNYS.com and looked it up by name to discover its EIN#.

EIN#141804364, formed in 1998 or 1999 (translation: just a few years after Welfare Reform).  Latest Filing for FY2019/YE Dec shows it was delivered to the NYS Charities Registry only Nov. 2020 (signed Oct. 2020), and its main revenues are government grants from a variety of sources totaling $1.154M.

Rather than describe, I’ll just upload the 2019 filing.  Generally, NYSCharities Search page leads (if an organization is there) to more detailed information than in some other states:  It’s helpful. One of the filings is puzzling because it’s addressed to this organization, but first paragraph references another one (Hunger ActionNetwork of New York State) and later in the body of the same (one-page) letter from accountant, In Our Voices.  It might be a clerical error — I don’t know.*

*Hunger Action Network is a separate entity formed in 1985 (small), and I don’t see any relationship between them, although I wasn’t digging too deep.  Other things I did notice about this (thanks to CharitiesNYS.com resources and posting the pdfs right on their site) wouldn’t be worth my time elaborating until I know there are some people interested in reading AND discussing/comparing the tax returns within this field, or even tax returns per se: for advocacy organizations of any sort… The same discussion would need to be done for ALL of the above entities in this list — or comparable ones.

IIOV.org Financial Statemts from CharitiesNYS.com (‘2008 Accntnt rpt) for FY2005 + 2006) viewed 4/25/2022. (no tax return here.  You can see how much smaller it was then…).

IOOV.org CharitiesNYS.Com 2018 Filing (EIN#141804364, 1999f) CPA refs FY2015-2016 as nonprofit ‘Hunger Action Network of NYS’ (Ltr Sept2017) but it’s to InOurOwnVoices.  (??).  Letter references “accompanying financial statements” which aren’t there.  It’s just one page. (see paragraph just above).

This pdf/upload like most on CharitiesNYS.com under “Annual Renewal” starts with the state Charity Registration Form, then Tax Returns, then Financial Statements: Here, for Years Ending Dec. 2019 and Dec. 2018 (Standard form for “Renewals” in that database:  all in one pdf).  One thing I appreciate about the New York State Charities website is how its Renewal Form shows on (page 2?), if government grants were received, from exactly which sources, so you get agency names AND the amounts from those agencies.  At least it’s a form of checks and balances.  I don’t understand, however, for this one, why some are named (apparently) after projects, rather than agency or department names, federal, state, or other governments… What do you think?

IOOV.org (CharitiesNYS.com) EIN#141804364, 2019:YEDec Filingshows $1.1M from 7 diff’t govt sources (largest NYS DOH). Some look like private tho)



To go back to the top click the title link: ‘Table Talk’ Helps You Quickly Analyze Any Task Force*/Council/Commission etc. (*Here, New York’s Task Force for a COVID-19 DV Response): Add Columns for Entity/Non-Entity, Website, Legal Domicile, and (For Size/Operations), Even Some Tax Returns [Publ. Apr. 26, 2022]. (short-link ends “-egn”)  [Note: my titles often change during draft.  This may not exactly match the top of the page, but the link does..]

Written by Let's Get Honest|She Looks It Up

April 26, 2022 at 9:16 pm

2 Responses

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  1. Thanks for all your good work. Is it possible to speak at some point? We were victimized by scandal in the so-called family court system. You have information and we have information and it might be helpful to share and compare notes. Please let me know. Thanks.


    April 27, 2022 at 7:14 am

    • Re: Apologies for the belated response to your comments here: I rarely get comments on the blog and haven’t been looking for them closely enough, it seems… Should move the display widget closer to the top of that sidebar.

      If you give me some more information (I don’t like to compromise privacy too much), that’d help (like, what jurisdiction, how long ago, etc.) .. Right now (early June, 2022) I am still ensnared in a household transition, so may not be too talkative for the next month. Most of what I have to say is, in one way or another, already on either the blog, or on Twitter threads (which often tie to the blog). The “so-called family court system” is indeed a system; understanding its various parts (includes infrastructure funding) is a big part of understanding it, also the private interests in case-churning, child-running, and decriminalizing what would otherwise be criminally prosecutable crimes leaves the venue with a mixture of “normal” people who just want divorce and custody issues settled, and some truly dangerous characters — to be treated as if there is, really, no differences in their characters, behaviors, past, etc.

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